Saturday, December 22, 2012
Friday, December 21, 2012
“Write what you know will always be
excellent advice for those who ought not to write at all. Write what you think,
what you imagine, what you suspect!”
― Gore Vidal, The Essential Gore Vidal
― Gore Vidal, The Essential Gore Vidal
Annoying
fine print may not even be legal
By
Bob Sullivan (on msn.com 12.21.2012a
Can
the New York Yankees change the First Amendment and make their fans agree to
the change? They tried recently.
"Ticket
holders acknowledge and agree that the Yankees' ban on foul/abusive language
and obscene/indecent clothing does not violate their right to free
speech," the team wrote recently in a new far-reaching set of fine print published in the
October edition of Yankees Magazine. The phrase appears on
tickets, too.
Anyone
who’s been to the Bronx recently probably wouldn’t fault an attempt to make it
more family friendly, but can a baseball team change the Constitution and force
you to accept it?
Welcome
to the world of “boilerplate” language -- also known as mouseprint, standard
form contracts, fine-print fraud, shrink-wrap contracts, etc.
U.S.
consumers rarely engage in any kind of transaction today without clicking or
signing away a wide swath of their rights. Cellphone contracts, software
purchases, baseball tickets, credit card applications -- all include lengthy
tomes full of ominous warning that most of us ignore.
Regular
readers of this column know I am a collector of fine print and its absurdities,
such as school
waiver forms asking parents to sign away their kids’ right to “enjoy life.”
Consumers
hate fine print, but emotions rarely carry the day in courtrooms. So
corporations have been having a field day with barely readable terms and
conditions for some time. In fact, fine-print writers have been emboldened by a
recent Supreme Court decision in which the court took their side.
But
in a new book titled “Boilerplate,” author and lawyer Margaret Jane Radin is
taking aim at the intellectual and legal basis of fine print, trying to put a
serious dent in the legal argument behind it.
"I
don't think there's a contract, ever, when something is just dropped on
us," Radin said, "especially when there is no option to vote with
your feet as a consumer, when there are no alternatives.”
Radin’s
point is that contracts, by definition, involve two equal parties that
negotiate terms, while fine print is issued on a
"take-it-or-leave-it" basis. (Just try to negotiate a lower early
termination fee or strike out any clause when you sign a cellphone
agreement.) In layman's terms, fine print is merely a list of bad things
that can happen to you, the consumer. You might get hit with a penalty fee;
your service might be terminated; your right to join a class-action lawsuit is
surrendered.
Some
lawyers would call these take-it-or-leave-it agreements "contracts of
adhesion," a special class of contracts that can be ruled unenforceable if
the consumer persuades a judge that the provisions are
"unconscionable." As you might imagine, that's a high bar -- it means
generally that such provisions would be shocking to a normal person's
conscience as excessively unfair. Such a legal battle also involves an
excessive amount of legal fees, so it's not a realistic option for an aggrieved
cellphone holder.
Radin
wades into this confusing situation with a fairly radical idea. Trying to shove
fine-print agreements into contract law, she argues, is like trying to shove a
round peg into a square hole. She calls it “legal gerrymandering.” Instead,
courts need to adopt a brand-new way of looking at fine print, she says.
Her
view is simple: Interactions between consumers and companies are more like
brief encounters with strangers than negotiated bargains between equal parties.
As such, they fall into the realm of tort law, rather than contract law, Radin
argues.
That
change would have dramatic implications for fine-print haters everywhere. Were
these agreements viewed as torts, angry cellphone owners would retain the right
to sue for damages, including pain and suffering, if they believe a company has
violated their rights, by making an unauthorized withdrawal from the consumer's
checking account, for instance.
Generally,
the argument in favor of fine print has been economic. Industry groups have
repeatedly argued that standard-form agreements are essential because no one
wants every consumer negotiating their own terms and conditions for every
transaction. The logic runs like this: Form agreements save companies money,
particularly when they limit liability and the potential for costly lawsuits,
and that savings is passed on to consumers.
But
some rights can't be signed away, Radin argues, even if a consumer seemingly
agrees to that. Even if it saves them money.
"Important
rights can't be canceled by a private party just because they pay the
value," she said. "For example … you can't sell food with E. coli
just because it's cheaper. … You can't say we haven't maintained our airplanes,
but our prices are cheaper, so you assume the risk if we fall out of the sky."
Fine
print that limits liability or complicates consumer costs is everywhere –
on coffee cups, on dog bone packaging. It’s flashed for a brief moment on
TV mortgage ads, it’s read at record-breaking speed on radio ads for car
leases. Falling under the general term “disclosure,” its absurdity and
ineffectiveness is hard to debate.
“Disclosure
doesn't work. We don't understand it, even if it's in large print. We don’t
read it, even lawyers,” Radin said. “That’s why we have to start evaluating
these disclosures a different way. They aren’t contracts.”
When
consumers talk about fine print, they usually focus on hidden language that
imposes punishing late fees, doubles prices after some unknown trial period or
springs other tricks and traps that ding their wallets. But when consumer
lawyers talk about fine print, they are usually complaining about something a
bit more theoretical -- common provisions within agreements that indicate
consumers waive their rights to sue the company if something goes wrong or join
in a class-action lawsuit. Instead, consumers are forced into a process
known as binding mandatory arbitration. Most consumer agreements with banks,
cellphone companies, credit card issuers, television subscription services and
other service providers include arbitration clauses.
Consumer
groups and class-action lawyers despise such provisions and have been fighting
them in courtrooms around the country for some time, arguing that waiver of
jury trial rights is “unconscionable.”
After
compiling a mixed legal record, the fight was dealt a devastating blow last
year, when the U.S. Supreme Court sided with AT&T in a case involving a
consumer who sued to have a class-action lawsuit waiver thrown out of a
cellphone contract. Within months, similar waivers
began appearing in nearly all consumer agreements, dealing a blow to
the entire class-action system.
Consumer
lawyers argue that waiving a right to a jury trial in order to buy a car or
baseball ticket is similar to waiving the right to free speech.
Anyone
who's ever received a 50-cent coupon because of an old class-action lawsuit
that earned lawyers millions knows that lawsuits are hardly a panacea for the
problem of misbehaving companies or those that impose overreaching terms and
conditions. But neither is a free market, argues Radin, unless it is
truly a thriving market with informed consumers.
In
many markets, consumers have few or no choices. Most cellphone firms have the
same early termination fees and arbitration clauses, for example.
Meanwhile, if fine print is too small to read or too arcane to understand,
there won't even be a handful of ace consumers who can provide a watchdog
effect. What happens next is called a "lemon's equilibrium," a term
first coined in the 1970s by economist George Akerlof.
"If
there is a lot of competition in a marketplace, and at least some consumers are
very well informed, then market forces can have a positive impact on fine
print,” Radin explained. “But even if there's a lot of competition, but not
enough people in the market know what's going on, there's a race to the bottom.
Everybody just buys the cheaper product ... and everyone gets a lemon."
Radin's
argument is broader than a need to protect consumers from $480 satellite dish
early termination fees or to preserve their right to sue. She thinks that
industry's reliance on sweeping rights clauses in every consumer agreement, and
the courts' compliance with that, has created an alternate legal system in
America -- one that voters never agreed to.
"This
is creating a mockery of state legislatures. We elect legislators, they decide
something is important and debate it, then vote on a law, then it becomes law,”
she said. “Then corporations write rules and they effectively become law,
contradicting what the legislature did. What we think of as a contract is
really important to our conception of social order. Think of how many people
are affected by (boilerplate language). If it is thousands or millions of
people, that's letting a firm create a new legal universe. That
undermines our rule of law."
Thursday, December 20, 2012
We must temper a rush to take the guns away from our
citizens. Gun control rings out coast to
coast and recent events seem to many a justification to take the guns away from
all but the military and police. A growing populous thinks this will keep the
guns from criminals, mentally disturbed and terrorists. Did prohibition keep alcohol from the
people? Do the drug laws keep illegal
drugs out of the hands off drug addicts, and illegal distribution and the
manufacture of the hard drugs and marijuana?
It is illegal to steal, murder, use illegal drugs, drive intoxicated,
drink alcohol under the age of 21 years and not to exceed the posted speed
limit. Of course no one ever breaks the
law. Do you know anyone who has obtained
a restraining order against another person?
How effective is a restraining order?
If violated, how effective or willing are the police to enforce it? If the police enforce it, how will the court
deal with it? The answer, not much.
Why do I bring up these examples? To point out the inabilities of laws that
prohibits behavior or the possession of illegal items to effectively reduce the
intended effect. It seems to grow a new
class and more criminal activity. The
innocent will be left defenseless to protect themselves from those who mean to
do us harm. With fewer and fewer law
enforcement personnel we will be at the mercy of the criminal. Police response as a whole is poor and the
courts are overflowing along with our prisons.
Our founding fathers wanted the citizens to have the right to
bear arms against a suppressive government.
This country was populated by those fleeing oppression and unjust laws
dictated by one or a few. The constitution was drawn up to protect us from an
unjust and/ or oppressive person or group and the ability for the individual
and nation to protect themselves and their rights by maintaining arms and a
militia.
I don’t like guns,
but I know history and I fear for our rights and liberties that are eroding every
year. The erosion is not necessarily by
evil or power hungry individuals or groups (yes…some are in this category) but
many are just individuals who will destroy this country freedom and rights we are
assured in the Constitution. Then, the
door is open for oppression, not all at once…but a bit at a time by those fearing
terrorists, criminals, bullies and the wrath of God. Before we know it, we lose our individuality
and freedom to a few who govern our actions.
I DON’T LIKE GUNS, BUT, I FEAR FOR THE EROSION OF OUR RIGHTS
AND LIBERTIES. Once the camel gets its
head in the tent, the next thing you know, the whole camel is in the tent. Look
how the government has more and more control of our lives and families than it
did 50 years ago. Study how this country
was founded, why the founding fathers structured and empowered the federal,
state and local governments as they did
“Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely”. (John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton, first Baron Acton (1834–1902).
“There is no human problem which
could not be solved if people would simply do as I advise.”
― Gore Vidal
― Gore Vidal
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